The recent controversy surrounding Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú (43), alias Bello, the grandson of Teodoro Obiang Nguema, president of Equatorial Guinea, starkly exposes the system of impunity that defines the dictatorial regime.

Baltasar Ebang is not only a central figure within the power circles of Equatorial Guinea, but he is also the direct grandson of the dictator, through his father Baltasar Engonga Edjo’s relationship with Inmaculada Avomo Nguema Mbasogo, Teodoro Obiang’s elder sister and the mother of Baltasar’s father.

Like his grandfather, Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú and his siblings enjoy a privileged position that has allowed them to operate above the law, sheltered by the absolute power of their family. The serious accusations of corruption and sexual scandals involving Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú—documented in recordings that link him to numerous women, many of whom are family members or close associates—are just a glimpse into how the regime has corrupted both the institutions and the moral fabric of the country, leaving him to act without consequence.

As the Director of the National Financial Investigation Agency (ANIF), a position secured thanks to his family ties, Baltasar has not only been complicit in systemic corruption, but has used his position to consolidate his own power. The accusations that label him a sexual predator, with explicit images and videos recorded in his office, hotels, beaches, and other private locations with the consent of the participants, illustrate the severity of his behavior, which remains unpunished due to his direct relationship with the dictator. His connection to the regime grants him total immunity, allowing him to operate with absolute freedom, manipulating and dismantling at will, much like his grandfather, Teodoro Obiang Nguema, who has perpetuated a system that shields his family from any accountability.

The Baltasar Ebang family, which includes Baltasar Engonga Edjo, Elias Ondo Edjo, and Melchor Esono Edjo, among other relatives, not only benefits from their blood relation to the dictator, but also from their deep ties to Mongomo, Obiang’s political stronghold, where the regime exercises its absolute control with an iron fist. Mongomo is the epicenter of power in Equatorial Guinea, and the Edjo family has been a crucial player in consolidating that power, playing a fundamental role in the corrupt machinery that has kept Teodoro Obiang in power for over 40 years.

But it is not just Mongomo that guarantees their position. The Edjo family also hails from Ebibeyin, one of the provinces most loyal to the dictator, whose unwavering support has ensured the regime’s survival. It is in these regions where Baltasar Ebang and his allies have built a network of influence and corruption, based on family ties and impunity. Thanks to their proximity to the dictator, they have operated with total freedom, controlling not only the country’s finances but also the institutions that should ensure justice and the well-being of the people.

This territorial power, combined with their blood ties, has made the Engonga Edjo family one of the most corrupt and untouchable structures in the regime. While most of the citizens of Equatorial Guinea live in extreme poverty, the Edjo family continues to amass fortunes, manipulating the political and economic systems to their advantage. Baltasar Ebang, Melchor Esono, and the rest of the Edjos are the embodiment of an elite that perpetuates itself, a clan whose impunity is guaranteed by their direct relationship with the dictator and their control over key regions that sustain their power.

The disinformation campaign and media manipulation orchestrated to protect the image of Baltasar and his family is nothing more than an attempt to cover up the reality of a man whose impunity and power are tightly tied to an autocratic regime that continues to function as a family fiefdom, unaccountable to justice or society. Now, to add a touch of dark comedy to the tragedy, activists and opposition figures from the district of Ebibeyin are attempting to manipulate the narrative by presenting a supposed power struggle, where they position the sexual predator of the Edjo family—a 43-year-old man known for his scandals and predatory behavior—as a potential successor to his grandfather in power. A tasteless joke that could only have been conceived in the corridors of power, where the rules of morality and justice do not apply, and where cynicism reaches such absurd levels that, were it not for the underlying tragedy, it could be mistaken for a poorly written play.

The arrest

In April 2024, Equatorial Guinea’s state television shocked the national public with the announcement of the arrest of Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú, a man considered untouchable, as part of an alleged anti-corruption campaign. The news was met with disbelief by 90% of the population, who live in extreme poverty, as Baltasar Ebang is no ordinary individual: he is the firstborn of Baltasar Engonga Edjo, one of the most powerful kleptocrats in one of Africa’s most brutal dictatorships. The arrest of Baltasar Ebang is, at best, a façade, a staged act designed to create the illusion that the regime is taking steps against corruption when, in reality, it is merely a game of appearances.

At the time of his arrest, Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú was the Director of the National Financial Investigation Agency (ANIF), an agency supposedly tasked with fighting money laundering, terrorism financing, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The irony? This agency, created to ensure transparency and financial justice, was under the control of one of the most corrupt families in Africa. Members of Baltasar’s family, like other figures within the regime, have plundered the country for decades. How can we take these individuals seriously at the helm of a campaign against corruption? It is a macabre joke, an insult to the intelligence of the people of Equatorial Guinea.

According to local media, the authorities accuse Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú and other executives, including Ireneo Mangue Monsuy Afana, Rubén Félix Osá Nzang, Rolando Asumu Oye, and Juan Manuel Afugu Mbomio, of embezzling over 1 billion CFA francs over the last 12 years through the Directorate General of Banks, Insurance, and Reinsurance. Authorities claim the funds were deposited into a secondary account set up specifically to conceal the looting. And the surprise? None. The same figures who have driven the country to economic ruin are still in charge of the institutions that are supposed to serve the public good.

The Edjo family not only rules the country with an iron fist, but they also maintain absolute control over the ministries and agencies of the regime. In a nation where the children, nephews, friends, and lovers of the powerful occupy the most strategic positions, the case of Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú is just one of many examples of nepotism and systemic corruption. Another key player in this scandal is Rubén Félix Osá Nzang, the son of Jerónimo Osa Osa Ecoro, former Secretary General of the PDGE and current Minister of Information, Press, and Radio. To make matters worse, Jerónimo’s other son, Jerónimo Carlos Osa Osa Nzang, was appointed Minister Delegate for Commerce, Business Promotion, and Industry.

Ireneo Mangue Monsuy Afana, Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú, Rubén Félix Osá Nzang, and Rolando Asumu Oye are currently under provisional detention, or so the authorities claim. But everyone in Equatorial Guinea knows that this trial will never happen. Justice in this country is not administered, it is manipulated. Everyone knows that the children of the powerful will never be prosecuted like any other citizen. The case of Baltasar Ebang is just another spectacle in a country where power is inherited, corruption is perpetuated, and impunity is a right reserved for the elite. The question that echoes strongly is: why are the children of the people, those without presidential surnames, the only ones who suffer the consequences of a system designed to protect the very looters at its core?

The uninvestigated network

The National Financial Investigation Agency (ANIF) is nothing more than a façade under the control of the kleptocracy that governs Equatorial Guinea. Far from fulfilling its supposed mission to combat money laundering, terrorism financing, or the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, this agency has become a tool to serve the personal interests of the regime’s offspring. Corrupt officials in this government waste no time hiding their true activities: using their public offices to create shell companies that allow them to divert multimillion-dollar contracts and continue plundering the country’s coffers. This is not an isolated case; it is the modus operandi of an elite that acts with impunity, doing as it pleases without being held accountable to anyone.

There is not a single official who has passed through the Ministry of Finance who is not involved in corruption, from Valentin Ela Maye, César Augusto Mba Abogo, and Magdalena Ava Bosoka, to Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú himself. Not only did Baltasar use his position as Director of ANIF to create his own personal business network, but he also used it to fund a luxurious lifestyle and support his many lovers, some of whom even worked in his own department. What else can be expected from an administration where corruption is the rule, not the exception?

This newspaper has documented a long list of companies linked to Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú, such as Justa Avomo, Baltasar Ebang S.L (CIF: 00136 J-15), Sociedad de Limpieza GE S.A (CIF: 0065 S-15), Solution Technology Ltd (CIF: 007 S-15), A and C Niamoyong S.L (CIF: 00190 A-16), Alfa Etugu S.L (00165 A-16), and Agafitge S.L (CIF: 0040 A-15). The question is: why haven’t the Guinean authorities thoroughly investigated these companies? Because they know that any such investigation would not only expose the massive looting taking place at the institutional level but also highlight the system of impunity that perpetuates corruption in the country. The authorities have no interest in tracking the origin of the funds or dismantling Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú’s fraud network. Instead, they are content to make empty announcements and release superficial news stories that create the false impression that they are taking action against corruption.

As revealed by Diario Rombe, Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú maintained a network of businesses with Eucario Bacale Angue Oyana, the former Minister of the Civil Service, and David Obama Nguema Ondo, who, according to reports, are the managing partners of the company David, Eucario y Baltasar S.L., registered under the acronym D.E.B. S.L., based in Bata. This company is registered in the property and commercial registry of the continental region. This is just another example of how public officials use their positions to create business networks that are not only illegal but also extraordinarily profitable. Meanwhile, justice in Equatorial Guinea remains a mere abstraction, a concept that does not apply to those in power. The police and investigative bodies neither have the capacity nor the political will to connect the dots and uncover the corruption scheme at the heart of the regime. Instead, officials simply use the state apparatus as a tool for personal enrichment, while the people remain mired in poverty and fear.

This lays bare an uncomfortable truth: in Equatorial Guinea, the real criminals are those who control the power, and the higher you rise in the hierarchy, the more impunity you enjoy. Investigations are nothing more than a hollow show, an attempt to simulate a fight against corruption, when in reality, the only thing being pursued is the preservation of the regime’s façade. The people of Equatorial Guinea are no longer deceived. Everyone knows that this trial will never take place, that the arrests are just a media distraction, because the rules of the game have always been the same: impunity is the privilege of the powerful.

The video leak

In mid-October 2024, while Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú was detained in the VIP section of the infamous Black Beach prison in Malabo, a WhatsApp and Telegram channel called “EG Infobichis” suddenly emerged and quickly gained popularity. This channel, which describes itself as a «media outlet specializing in exposing the dark underbelly of public figures, celebrities, and influencers in Equatorial Guinea,» soon caused a media frenzy, accumulating over 38,000 followers after announcing that it possessed nearly 1,000 intimate videos of Baltasar. These videos not only humiliate his figure but also reveal his absolute contempt for the dignity of others.

In these videos, Baltasar is shown with a countless number of women: married women, widows, cousins, sisters-in-law, wives of his uncles, employees from his department, women from his extended family, and even prostitutes. All of them, part of his disgusting market of manipulation and exploitation, are victims of his petty pursuit of power, control, and personal satisfaction. Baltasar’s habitual practices, far from reflecting any ethical standards or respect, reveal a predatory and unscrupulous attitude, using his position to fulfill his base desires at the expense of those around him.

The modus operandi of Infobichis is as blatantly vile as Baltasar’s behavior: the publication of these videos is conditioned on the payment of sums of money in exchange for not being released. Meanwhile, the women and men appearing in the videos are not only subjected to public humiliation but are also seen participating in unprotected sexual acts, a fact that not only underscores the criminal irresponsibility of those involved but also puts at risk their health and the well-being of the small African nation.

The Infobichis channel has continued to grow, fueled by anonymity and blackmail, although some have hastily jumped on the speculation bandwagon, trying to profit from the promise of revealing the identities of those responsible. Many, however, have been disappointed upon realizing that these promises are nothing more than another strategy to continue extorting and manipulating those who fall into their web.

Rumors quickly emerged suggesting that Infobichis could be linked to the dictator’s son, which is hardly surprising in a country where abuse of power and corruption are the norm. However, the most plausible version is that one of the most recent videos of Baltasar was filmed in one of the bathrooms of Black Beach prison, where he appears dressed as a prison guard in an explicit sexual situation with his cousin and secretary, Guapina, the daughter of an electrician with close ties to the presidency. This highlights the deep corruption ties between Baltasar and the power structures in Equatorial Guinea.

Furthermore, other videos have surfaced showing women visiting Baltasar in prison and participating in similar sexual acts in the same bathroom, reinforcing the suspicion that the prison guards were aware of these illicit encounters and may have confiscated Baltasar’s devices, uncovering all the compromising material he had hidden. Therefore, the investigation into who is behind the leak of Baltasar’s videos must begin by questioning the prison authorities and senior officers of the National Gendarmerie, as the leak coincidentally follows the appointment of a new Gendarmerie director. This coincidence cannot be ignored and should be considered a key lead in an investigation that has, so far, been sadly neglected. Authorities must take action urgently, starting with a thorough review of internal procedures and access to Baltasar’s electronic devices during his confinement.

According to circulating social media reports, which Diario Rombe has been unable to confirm despite conducting an exhaustive investigation, it is alleged that Baltasar was posting these videos on adult content websites, where he received large sums of money for each recording. The content not only involves his own sexual material but also includes explicit videos featuring other women, many of whom were involved with him or in situations of sexual exploitation with other men to later be marketed. This situation could indicate a level of digital prostitution and trafficking of pornographic content, which would elevate the seriousness of the case to unimaginable proportions, once again revealing the corruption and lack of morality surrounding Baltasar.

If it is confirmed that Baltasar used these platforms to profit from the consent of those he filmed, it would constitute a far-reaching criminal act, of an utterly repugnant depravity. These practices not only demonstrate how moral decay intertwines with institutions meant to uphold order, such as the police and gendarmerie, but in a country where opacity is the norm and absolute power lies in the hands of a corrupt elite, it is almost certain that the leak of these videos—and the manipulation they have undergone—was no mere accident. It is clear that the security forces, who are supposed to safeguard the well-being and privacy of citizens, are so deeply involved in this corruption system that even their own ethical codes and professionalism have been compromised.

Scandals in the Offices: The double standard of Obiang’s regime

A month and a half after the sexual scandals involving figures from the regime went viral, with headlines, news reports, and debates on television, the government of Equatorial Guinea was forced to react—not because of the moral gravity of the incidents, but due to the public scandal that put them on the defensive. In a clumsy first attempt, they tried to block file downloads on WhatsApp messaging services, a ban that lasted less than two hours due to public outrage. Faced with a wave of criticism, Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue had to order the reopening of access. In a second attempt to quell the indignation and to simulate a semblance of morality they have never shown, the government announced that it would dismiss any official «caught» in «intimate activities» in public or private offices. «Any official found engaging in sexual activity in an office will be immediately dismissed,» the government declared, with the same seriousness as one might try to hide the sun with a finger. As if it were not the umpteenth time that senior regime officials engage in sexual activities in official offices with complete impunity.

Do you remember the infamous video of Miguel Antonio Obiang Avoro, recorded while he was having sex with an employee of the Ministry of Information? In 2012, Miguel filmed himself in his office, engaging in sexual activity with an employee of his department. The video, which eventually leaked onto social media during Agustín Nzé Nfumu’s tenure as Minister of Information, Press, and Radio, caused widespread outrage. However, instead of being punished for his behavior, he was promoted in April 2015 to the position of Secretary of State, thanks to the blessing of then-corrupt Minister Eugenio Nze Obiang (now a Member of Parliament). This is how «seriously» they take their fight for morality: rewards for loyalty, cover-ups, and silence.

But Miguel is not the only one to have emerged unscathed. An intimate video of Asunción Nchama Eyene, a journalist for TVGE and an employee of the Ministry of Information, Press, and Radio, was also leaked. The video was filmed by Asunción herself in her private home, and although the content was widely shared on social media, Asunción faced no consequences for her actions. Quite the opposite: as a «reward» for her loyalty to the regime, she was recently appointed Director General of the Press Department at the Prime Minister’s Office. This is how morality works in this regime: loyalty to power and the ability to maintain silence are rewarded, while ethics and decency are forgotten.

Now, they try to convince the public that they will «combat» these practices. With what credibility? It’s as credible as their failed attempts to «combat» rampant corruption and nepotism that corrode the system. What can we expect from a country where even the Attorney General of the State is involved in a sexual scandal, accused by a university professor of using his position to have relations with the professor’s wife and making his life a living hell? In a country where power and morality are treated as mere tools of control, what do they expect to achieve with a few empty decrees?

The government has finally taken action, but not because of the damage caused by Baltasar Ebang Engonga Alú, 43, to the public treasury. No, it was Baltasar’s sexual scandal that forced the reaction. A presidential decree has removed him from his position as Director of the National Agency for Financial Investigation (ANIF) and expelled him from the ruling PDGE party. The question is: if no one had known about his «adventures» abroad, would Baltasar still be collecting his salary from prison? Probably yes. In Guinea, corrupt individuals not only keep their positions but increase and strengthen them, while morality becomes a forgotten subject, a pastime no one practices, and apparently, no one takes seriously.

This is the level of cynicism and corruption that defines a regime that refuses to be held accountable but continues to pretend that its moral and justice policies have any real basis. How can they have the audacity to talk about “morality” when the country is run by an elite that has made corruption, abuse, and cover-ups a way of life?

The account of the activists and politicians from Ebebiyin, who attempt to protect Baltasar, is an outright falsehood. Not only is it crude, but it is also completely discredited. To claim that Baltasar was involved in the failed 2017 coup is a baseless lie, created to divert attention from his real misdeeds. Moreover, he has never been in the line of succession, and any attempt to link him to the «stability» of the regime is merely a pathetic attempt to cover up the unacceptable. What they are really trying to do is justify the aberrant behaviors of Baltasar and other regime members, in an effort to normalize what, in any decent society, would be considered scandalous and intolerable.

Editorial by Diario rombe, Equatorial Guinea newspaper